economy and politics

Where are the women in Chinese politics?

The trajectory of Chinese national female emancipation, the ambiguity of the requirements for political representation or the educational gap make it difficult for women to rise in the power hierarchy.

The 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), held in October 2022, captured the world’s attention, especially since there was not a single woman among the 24 Politburo members, breaking a two-decade tradition. While the number of women in key political positions globally is constantly improving, female representation in the CCP has worsened over time.

Patriarchal norms undoubtedly contribute to the underrepresentation of Chinese women in the political arena, but it is not a situation that only these women face. In many societies, women who make political careers and challenge traditional gender roles are often seen as lacking the necessary skills or criticized for not conforming to a ‘real’ image of a woman. There are several factors that have made the absence of women so serious in Chinese politics.

The CCP’s commitment to women’s emancipation is reflected in Mao Zedong’s famous statement that “women hold up half the sky.” But this compromise has overlooked women’s political rights. Party-state policies that address the gap Gender issues have largely focused on promoting women’s economic roles. These are seen as reserve labor contributing to a greater cause: nation building and economic development. But when the CCP’s economic needs conflict with the goal of women’s full employment, women’s equality becomes an issue. background.

The Constitution of the People’s Republic of China in 1954 was drafted with the provision that women should enjoy the same political rights as men, but concrete measures to improve the political status of Chinese women are still lacking. It was not until 1982 that the Constitution of the Communist Party of China was amended to include a vague statement that “the Party attaches great importance to the training and promotion of female civil servants,” this being the only mention of women’s political rights within of the document outlining the missions and objectives of the CCP.

An important measure to increase the number of Chinese women in political leadership would be to introduce an effective gender quota system. The National People’s Congress (NPC), China’s legislative body and highest state body, is the only national political institution to have adopted some form of gender quota. But the system is ambiguous since, since 1988, the APN has only willing that the proportion of female delegates in each legislature “should not be less” than the previous one.

Although this provision has allowed the APN to affirm that a record number of women serve as delegates in each legislature, women only represent 26.54% of the Chinese congress. No other institution of political power—the CPC Central Committee, the State Council, or the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference—has adopted gender quotas.

At the provincial and prefectural levels, the CPC Central Committee suggested in 2001 that CPC committees, governments, people’s congresses, and people’s political consultative conferences “should each have at least one female cadre in their leadership.” But in practice, this minimum gender quota is often interpreted too literally, with most jurisdictions having only one.

Apart from the lack of quotas, the recruitment criteria of the party-state elite also hinder the rise of women in the power hierarchy. Some research show that both male and female political leaders in China are appointed based on age, education, CCP membership, and experience. These leaders usually ascend to the provincial leadership when they are around 50 years of age. But the expected role of women as breeders and caretakers as children delays their entry into the race for power. And because women are required to retire five years earlier than their male counterparts, they are less likely to be considered for promotions.

“The impact of lifting the one-child policy on women’s educational opportunities remains to be seen”

In terms of educational level, almost all provincial leaders, regardless of gender, have studied at university, and more than 80% hold a master’s or doctorate. The CCP’s emphasis on higher education further harms women, as Chinese girls have less access to education. Although the gender gap in education has been closing in recent years, the impact of lifting the one-child policy on women’s educational opportunities remains to be seen.

The vast majority of China’s political leaders are members of the CCP, but the Party itself is a “boys’ club,” with more than 70% of its members being men. The underrepresentation of women in the CCP further undermines their chances for advancement. Although government ministries and companies are reservoirs of talent for selection by political elites, women’s lack of access to leadership positions in these sectors further reduces their chances of being considered for positions of power.

The CCP is long overdue to live up to Mao Zedong’s rhetoric on empowering women. Introducing an effective gender quota system, addressing barriers such as recruitment criteria and educational disparities, diversifying the CCP, and providing more opportunities for women in leadership positions are crucial steps in increasing female representation in Chinese politics.

Article translated from English from the website of the East Asia Forum (EAF).

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