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Following the coup in February last year, the military junta that runs Burma has sentenced dozens of people to death. This Monday, four people were executed as part of the government’s repressive policy against its opponents. RFI interviewed Daniel Gomá, historian specializing in Oriental Studies and professor at the University of Cantabria.
RFI: What is the message that the Burmese military government wants to give with these executions?
Daniel Goma : They are several. The first is one aimed at the opposition, especially this opposition that has chosen the violent path to overthrow the system. The message is: “We are willing to go to the end against you, that is, we can sentence you to death.” There has never been a crackdown like this. In fact, the last one executed for political reasons dates from the year 76, that is, almost half a century has passed since you could be executed for political reasons. The other executions had been mainly of common criminals, who had committed bloody crimes. Also because the opposition the regime faces is different from that of the past. Traditionally, the democratic movement in Burma was peaceful and part of it has chosen the violent path, and this is the response of the regime.
On the other hand, it also sends an internal message among the supporters of the dictatorship who had been criticizing the high command for a long time because the more violent opposition movement was not being fought with enough force. The supporters of the regime are living with a certain fear of being the victim of assassination attempts by these small groups, so they send a strong message.
RFI: Will this scene of violence be able to see an end in the short or medium term?
Daniel Goma: In the short term I see no solution. In the medium term, it is possible, but it will not be easy. Within a year, in August of next year, elections are scheduled in Burma, there it will be seen which parties participate, who decides to participate, who is prohibited. Everything seems to indicate that the National League for Democracy will be allowed to participate, but will it be able to present the candidates it wants? I see it as difficult because Aung San Suu Kyi is under house arrest and she has already had several sentences that will surely disqualify her politically, so we are yet to see the reaction to this. But, it is true that there has to be a commitment on the part of all the parties and to try to get out of this violent path in which the country finds itself. No, the country is not in a civil war, this must be said, but it is in a scenario of political violence that affects and has very serious consequences in the social and economic sphere.
RFI: What is the relationship of the current Burmese state with ethnic minorities?
Daniel Goma: There are a number of ethnic cut type problems. Basically there are guerrillas, who have been acting against the Burmese state, but since even before the military dictatorships, even the independence of 1948. Not all the groups have arisen at the risk of attacking the military dictatorship, they already existed before and it simply gives them a little like the Burmese government that is now in power. It is true that the military dictatorships are going to be less sensitive to their demands. Not all claim the same, some claim more autonomy; others, an independence, sometimes they also agree with the military. These guerrillas do not threaten the stability of the Burmese government, nor will they achieve a secession of the territories, the Burmese army is powerful enough to prevent this type of circumstance. It should also be said that there was already a bad relationship between many of the ethnic groups and the government of Aung San Suu Kyi. Suu Kyi’s party tended to do poorly in inter-ethnic zones. Aung San Suu Kyi’s support base is the large Burmese minority who make up 70% of the population.
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