Saad Salloum considers that the political system “does not work” because each faction pursues “its own interests” with the support of “militias, banks and television channels.” It is a “mafia” that paralyzes the country and fuels the spiral of violence after each election. The Sadrist bloc is also boycotting the second round of talks promoted by the prime minister to break the institutional deadlock.
Milan () – The Iraqi political system “does not work and has to be reformed”, because each party seeks “its own interests” with the support of “militias, private banks, television channels and deputies in Parliament. It’s a state within a state, a mob, not a political landscape.” Interviewed by , Saad Salloum, journalist and associate professor of Political Science at al-Mustanṣiriyya University in Baghdad, one of the oldest in the world, talks about the limits and contradictions of a country that has recently been the scene of a wave of violence. Protests broke out in the streets from Baghdad to Basra due to the announcement of the withdrawal from political life of the Shiite leader Moqtada al-Sadr, but behind all this there are rivalries and selfishness that paralyze a fragile institutional system, which has not been able to guarantee the necessary stability since the US invasion in 2003. Within the Shia world “understood as a political system, not as a people”, observes the scholar, “there is a crisis of identity and conflicting factions”. Even the Pope’s visit, which represented an “extraordinary” and unique moment in recent history, “was wasted”, and a year and a half later it can only be considered a “missed opportunity”. Meanwhile, the second round of talks called by Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi ended in deadlock. Once again the Sadrist bloc boycotted the meeting, rendering the government’s efforts useless. For this reason, in a climate of growing tension, a new appeal has been made to the members of the Shiite faction, so that it returns to the negotiating table.
Professor Salloum, how do you see the current situation in Iraq?
The problem revolves around a political system that is broken and needs to be reformed. The first step is for the Shiites to accept a review of power and wealth, starting an internal restructuring and a dialogue with the other parties and minorities. Within the Shiite world, understood as a political system and not as a people -which is something else- there is also a crisis of identity and contrasts [véanse las diferentes alianzas con Estados Unidos e Irán]. Then the system cannot work, because it excludes the possibility of change. Political leaders must favor reforms and struggle within the Shiite world [mayoritario en el país] it will be decisive for the future, while more and more people, like thousands of Yazidis in recent weeks, try to escape across the border.
Did you expect an escalation of violence like the one in recent days?
What we have seen is the circle of violence, which is the easiest and most viable way for factions and parties [para imponer sus reclamos], because working for peace is always more difficult. Negotiation and dialogue are required, but in the current scenario no one has the capacity to do so. The balance of powers is an art, but nobody wants to lose their hegemony. Each party pursues its own interests with the support of militias, private banks, television channels and deputies in Parliament. It is a state within a state, a mafia, not a political and partisan landscape. That is why the violence continues, the roots are not touched while the mafia continues to benefit from the structure of the country.
Many see snap elections as a possible way out. Do you think they could be a turning point in the face of political and institutional stagnation?
Moqtada al-Sadr, the President of the Republic, the Chaldean Patriarch, just to name a few, many leaders spoke of early elections. However, without the participation of all the leaders in practice it is useless, it is a postponement of the confrontations, with the same problems and difficulties as today. The elections themselves are one of the problems, not a possible solution, because after each vote a spiral of violence is unleashed that seems inherent to the system. A structural reform is needed, but all the parties and factions -from within- know that at this moment it is impossible.
American invasion, interreligious violence, Islamic State: twenty years of blood for the country. What to expect for the future?
Since the US invasion and the subsequent fall of Saddam Hussein, the circle of violence has always accompanied the electoral processes due to a political system based on components and not on citizenship or national identity. After each vote we always return to the starting point, to the point that today the polls are no longer a factor of democracy. In 2006 the violence in Samarra, in 2010 the attacks on the churches in Baghdad, in 2014 ISIS, in 2018 the protests in the streets with numerous victims and finally the elections in 2021, and we are still in a situation of stagnation and crisis . The same vicious circle: ballot boxes, negotiations, violence. The problem is not voting itself, but a political system that no longer works. The country must be founded on citizenship and multiculturalism.
Dr. Salloum, what alternatives are there, besides elections, to respond to the crisis?
In the first place, the political system must be restructured with international support, because without it, as happened with the fall of Saddam, it is impossible to change. A reasonable way to do it would be to start with a reform of the Constitution and a modification of the parliamentary system, so that the deputies have less power and the possibility of influencing the action of the government. In addition, a stronger judiciary, independent of the clutches of the ruling class and parties, is required. The balance between Baghdad (the central power) and Erbil (the autonomous Kurdish region) must also be reviewed and balanced, because the relationship no longer works and seems more like a confederal system than a federal one. The Kurds must contribute to the solution, and not be part of the problems, fighting the nationalist vision by which each party or faction thinks according to itself.
You often insist on the concept of “unity in diversity” as the foundation of societies. How can you apply today?
Changing the paradigm: unity in diversity is not a threat, but the path to unity. We have to invest in diversity, especially for the new generations. The migration of the middle class, the exodus of Armenians, Sabaeans and Yazidis is a serious loss for the country, because they are part of its roots, of the cultural system. Iraq cannot be based on Arab and Muslim identity and only diversity can guarantee its future for new generations.
Professor, what remains of Pope Francis’ visit to Iraq?
The Pope’s trip had a great influence in highlighting the diversity that exists in Iraqi society and was a factor in changing mentality. However, the work was to begin immediately after the Pontiff left the country. But unfortunately the political leaders, all of them, used the trip as an opportunity for personal visibility without investing in long-term projects. For my part, I consider that the Pope’s visit was an extraordinary moment but wasted by Iraq. A missed opportunity.
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