Without a ceasefire or full effectiveness of UN Resolution 1701, Lebanon remains in a political stalemate. Pressure from Tehran prevents the president of Parliament, Nabih Berry, from freeing himself from Hezbollah control. The greatest exponent of the Sunni world – who was invited to the Vatican at the 1995 Synod and at the 2010 Synod on the Middle East – hopes to that the Country of the Cedars will learn from the tragedies of the past. And return to the Arab bosom through the Saudi “door.”
Beirut () – «Nothing should prevail over national unity. This is the great lesson we learned from our civil war (1975-1990). By deciding, on its own, to defend the Palestinian cause on October 8 by opening a front with Israel, encouraged by an ideology from beyond Lebanese borders, Hezbollah made the same mistake as the Sunni community in the 1970s. This is the core of the message entrusted to by Mohammad Sammak, one of the most prominent and listened to Sunni personalities in the entire Cedar country. A political reflection that coincides with that of the interim Prime Minister Nagib Mikati, who also comes from the Sunni Muslim community.
On October 4, in a joint statement signed by Nabih Berry, president of the Chamber of Deputies, and Walid Jumblatt, undisputed leader of the Druze community, the latter positioned himself in favor of Lebanon’s accession to the ceasefire project launched by French President Emmanuel Macron on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York. A proposal that aims, first of all, to separate the Lebanese front from the ongoing war in Gaza between Israel and Hamas. On behalf of Beirut, he pledged to deploy the Lebanese army to the border as soon as the ceasefire comes into force, in accordance with Security Council Resolution 1701 (which ended the 2006 war between Hezbollah and Israel). Finally, the Druze leader – supported by the high Shiite representative – requested the opening of a parliamentary session without preconditions, aimed at electing the President of the Republic, a position vacant for two years, and that he be a personality capable of gathering consensus .
A few days later, the Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Abbas Araghchi, and the president of the Mayles of Iran (the Parliament of the Islamic Republic) intervened in the Lebanese issue, trying to force the hand of the prime minister and the speaker of the House to show your opposition to these guidelines. Tehran decreed a categorical “no” to the dissociation of the Lebanese front from the Gaza front, in place of a Hezbollah decapitated of its capabilities. In a video, Hezbollah’s number two, Naïm Qassem, who has gone underground, has also said “no” to presidential elections as long as the war continues. In this way, Iran has plunged Lebanon back into war and a constitutional crisis, indefinitely.
spoke about all these unresolved issues and knots with Mohammad Sammak, 88, a Sunni symbol of moderation, a graduate in Political Science from the American University of Beirut (Aub). Former political advisor to the Mufti of the Republic (Lebanon), he has also participated as an observer and special envoy in two Synods: that of Lebanon in 1995 by Saint John Paul II and that of the Middle East convened by Pope Benedict XVI in 2010. A personality heard and appreciated in both Dar el-Fatwa and Bkerké.
Dr. Sammak, what do you think about the current situation?
Human, moral and political solidarity with the people of Gaza is above all the most natural thing. The Vatican was the first to express it. However, the decision to go to war in support of the Strip is an entirely different matter. First, the decision to participate in a conflict is the prerogative of the State, not of a party. Secondly, the war depends on meticulous calculations and a balance of forces that cannot be achieved by groups outside Lebanese borders.
In this sense, Lebanon had a decisive experience in the 1970s, when the solidarity of Lebanese Muslims with the Palestinians prevailed over national unity. We pay a high price for it. We learned from this experience that the decision about peace and war belongs to the State and that a decision made outside this sovereign framework has no value or scope. Hezbollah’s unilateral decision was made in accordance with an Iranian, not a Lebanese, strategy. Now we are paying an exorbitant price for it. But it could have been avoided if we had learned the lessons from previous experiences.
France, which is part of Unifil, seems to be the only country trying to help and support Lebanon (along with the Vatican). What are the expectations?
Lebanon cannot do without international support. France tops the list of nations that understand us and can support us. Between the Vatican’s sympathy for our cause and the efforts of France, I hope we can find a way out of the crisis. But one dead end is followed by another and things get more and more complicated. Unfortunately, I also see a certain obstinacy in the error and a persistent refusal to pay the price of a necessary correction of this error.
What do you expect from the President of Parliament? Do you think you can disassociate yourself from Hezbollah on the essential issue of continuing the war?
Nabih Berry is an extremely pragmatic man. His long experience in power allows him to be flexible in finding a solution. The role it can play is irreplaceable.
Are you one of those who fear that the internal exodus, if it continues, will pit the different communities against the Shia?
I hope that God will free Lebanon from this ticking time bomb and that the confrontation with Israel will not lead to an internal conflict. I think we have learned from past experiences that such an event should be avoided at all costs.
Finally, regarding the possibilities of Future Movement leader Saad Hariri returning to the political arena and playing an active role in light of internal developments, Sammak refrained from giving exhaustive answers. However, regarding Riyadh’s presence and political influence in Lebanon, he states: “In exchange for its help and friendship, Saudi Arabia only received negative responses. Hezbollah experts in Yemen were closely involved in the bombing of parts of the kingdom. One can imagine the immense disappointment of its leaders at these acts of aggression, which the impotent Lebanese State could not prevent. Today, on the humanitarian front, Riyadh has overcome this disappointment and has taken the initiative to send the first shipment of medical aid to Lebanon. “But Lebanon must change its policy and return to the principle of solidarity with the Arab world, whose gateway is Saudi Arabia.”
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