“If it helps us so that Podemos does not reach the Government, the better for everyone.” To understand the significance of this statement, it is necessary to resort to the hackneyed “who, how, where, when and why”. From the answers to these questions emerges a conclusion that is as startling as it has been ignored until now by politicians and numerous media outlets: the blow to democracy perpetrated by the Government by the Popular Party and some officials under its orders who continually violated the mandate of neutrality that they are imposed by the Law of State Security Forces and Bodies.
Who. José Ángel Fuentes Gago is chief inspector of the Police. At the moment in which he makes that statement, he is the right hand of the operational deputy director, Eugenio Pino, the commissioner chosen by the PP to direct the Corps when Mariano Rajoy arrived at La Moncloa. His discreet career, part of it at the head of the police union, does not prevent him from becoming a key player in the years of the dirty war against the opposition. He is today suspended from duty for his prosecution in the Kitchen case.
Where. In New York. There she has secretly met with Rafael Isea, Hugo Chávez’s former finance minister, who fled the country and is the guardian of alleged relations between the Venezuelan regime and Podemos.
When. On April 12, 2016. There were two months left for the 2016 elections. And with the polls, the possibility that a progressive coalition between Podemos and the PSOE would mean a change of sign in the Government of Spain, at that time in the hands of the P.P.
How. It is a meeting to offer foster care in Spain for Isea and her family in exchange for information against the formation of Pablo Iglesias. The following paragraph is a text of what Fuentes Gago is heard saying on the recording: “I have spoken with the Spanish Minister of the Interior and the Spanish Minister of the Interior spoke with the President [del Gobierno] Spanish. I only have one mandate here, that is, to accompany these people and tell you to tell me the names of the people you want us to document in Spain and that we give them a new identity or a new life, the one you have and let’s protect That is my commitment. I come here with that mandate. You tell me and we do it.” The people accompanying him are, among others, the head of the UDEF at that time, as revealed by elDiario.es on May 15, 2016.
Why. The springs of the dirty war used against the Catalan procés and to try to sabotage the judicial case for the corruption of the PP’s B box were greased. The new enemy to beat was Podemos. It was about Isea validating some documents of alleged payments from Caracas to a foundation linked to Podemos. Isea would later declare to El País: “The police used me for a political plot and put my family at risk”.
The strategy against Podemos had begun long before. From its very appearance, it was considered a threat by the broad spectrum of the Spanish right, from the ultras of Manos Limpias and their complaints, to a then employee of the Popular Party of Madrid named Isabel Díaz Ayuso, to those who hoarded more instruments for sabotage. , the officials of the Ministry of the Interior led by Jorge Fernández Díaz.
The first maneuvers against the formation from the Ministry of the Interior date from 2014, as elDiario.es revealed a year ago. On January 17, 2014, Podemos was unveiled at an event at the Teatro del Barrio, in the Madrid neighborhood of Lavapiés. Just four months later, in May, European elections were held and the new party won more than 1.2 million votes and five MPs in Strasbourg.
On October 30 of that same year, the active commissioner José Manuel Villarejo, assigned to the Deputy Directorate of Operations, speaks with the then number two of the Ministry of the Interior, Francisco Martínez, and notes: “We Can Meetings”. The day before, the newspaper records a meeting between the police and journalists from El Mundo on the same subject.
A few days before, the manager of the Madrid PP, accused by box B of the local formation, transferred Isabel Díaz Ayuso, as revealed by elDiario.es, by order of the Madrid vice president Ignacio González to go ahead and register the possible brands with which Podemos can go to the regional elections. She tries but they are already in the hands of people close to the purple formation. The conversations are in the summary of the Punic case.
Back in the Villarejo archive, the commissioner notes in February 2015 another meeting with the Secretary of State for Security, Francisco Martínez: “Chisco. Venezuela-We can. Various procedures. We agreed to talk.” By then, the PP’s shadow lawyer, Javier Iglesias, has already asked the commissioner for information on the political party. There are two years left for the telephone conversation between Cospedal and Villarejo that El País recently revealed, but ‘El Largo’ is one of the general secretary’s connections with the darkest side of the state apparatus. “Igles Jav. He wants to know news about LB [Luis Bárcenas]. I already told you the latest data and that no one controls Verstringe or Podemos”, Villarejo writes in November 2014 in his diary.
At the beginning of 2016 everything emerges, although most of the media focus on the content of the PISA report and not on its defamatory dossier aspects. Without signature or seal, Interior has to admit that the report comes from the Deputy Directorate of Operations (DAO), the nest of the political brigade, and tries, once again, to whitewash it through the UDEF. The chief commissioner of this unit even gets in touch with magistrates of the Supreme Court to ‘sell’ them the virtues of the report. No luck. Clean Hands has incorporated it into a lawsuit against Iglesias and Íñigo Errejón and the High Court considers that it is “a mere publication of information in the media.”
Without prospering in criminal proceedings, one of the media that had reported its content, Cadena SER, advances that its final destination will be the Court of Auditors. It was never known what happened in this supervisory body with the dossier of the political brigade.
In the month of May, still before the general elections, the false news of the account of Pablo Iglesias in Grenadines takes place, a montage disarmed by elDiario.es hours after its publication. Eduardo Inda’s outlet, OkDiario, published a document that a journalist critical of the Maduro regime had already published on her YouTube channel. This is a manipulated photocopy. A recording published by Crónica Libre reveals how the aforementioned montage was concocted and the way in which Villarejo transfers it to the journalist Antonio Ferreras and the director of Atresmedia Mauricio Casals. In the conversation, Ferreras tells Villarejo that he told Inda: “I’m going with it, but this is very crude.”
Elections were held in June 2016 and had to be repeated in November. The PSOE finally abstained and made it easier for Rajoy to return to govern. But the threat of Podemos continued to be a priority for the darker side of the Ministry of the Interior and the Popular Party. In May 2017, the conversation between Commissioner Villarejo and the general secretary of the PP took place. “I have a subject of Podemos that is the host,” says the policeman. “It’s a bomb. I do want that, ”replies Cospedal. For Judge Manuel García Castellón, instructor of the Kitchen case, the meetings years ago between one interlocutor and another to sabotage the Gürtel case were limited to the right that everyone has to hold “social” meetings.
What had Villarejo offered Cospedal? Well, deep down, there is no big news about the vertices of the attack on Podemos from its origins: ETA, Cuba, Venezuela… “I had a second hell of a topic, it was that I had a colonel from the Venezuelan secret service where he was going to give me some minutes where there were meetings of ETA with the Cuban secret service and with those of Podemos. In Venezuela!”.
With the motion of censure and the change of government, the Popular Party no longer controls the resources of the Ministry of the Interior. Then another battle against the left-wing formation began, this time from a court of the National Court [aquí puedes leer el resumen publicado por elDiario.es hace una semana]. It will not be until 2020, when Judge García Castellón turns part 10 of the Villarejo case upside down to turn it into the Pablo Iglesias case.
By the time García Castellón desisted, after almost two years, from charging Iglesias as vice president, the judge already had another secret piece underway, that of the alleged irregular financing, based on the PISA report and reopened with the confession of the accused former general of large-scale drug trafficking by the United States Hugo ‘El Pollo’ Carvajal. The National Court forced him to close it two weeks ago, as this medium advanced.
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